By
Senator Babafemi Ojudu
When a great power promises to come “fast, swift and vicious” into another country, the language is cinematic — and chilling. That is precisely the tone that has shaken public life in Abuja and Washington after President Donald Trump told the Pentagon to “prepare for possible action” in Nigeria — a warning amplified by CNN, Reuters and the Associated Press.
The moral outrage at the slaughter of innocent Nigerians — Christians and Muslims alike — is real and justified. But moral outrage is not a military strategy. A “swift” foreign intervention, however well-intentioned, risks turning a complex local crisis into a prolonged international nightmare. It would almost certainly make ordinary Nigerians less safe, not more.
The Hard Realities
First: Nigeria’s insecurity is not a single enemy in a single place.
Our crisis is a mosaic. Boko Haram and ISWAP dominate the far north-east; heavily armed bandit networks terrorize the north-west and north-central; separatist militias and cults trouble the south-east; criminal gangs strike in the south and even at the northern edge of the south-west. These are thousands of fighters spread across tens of thousands of square kilometres, embedded in local economies and politics. There is no single “Al-Zawahiri” whose elimination would end the problem.
Second: foreign military force can win battles but rarely wins hearts or politics.
Iraq and Afghanistan are the cautionary tales. Air strikes and raids can destroy camps and kill commanders, but they cannot fix corruption, broken policing, land disputes, or the poverty and exclusion that drive recruitment. Insurgents adapt faster than bureaucracies; they melt into civilian populations and mutate. The result is almost always a long, costly occupation.
Third: corruption within Nigeria’s political and military elite would compromise any alliance.
Security is built on trust, and trust is scarce where corruption thrives. Over the years, weapons and intelligence meant for Nigeria’s defence have found their way to bandits and insurgents. Some security personnel have been caught selling ammunition to the same enemies they were sent to fight. Imagine a joint U.S.–Nigerian operation where local collaborators leak plans, sell coordinates, or divert supplies. That is not speculation — it is a risk written into our current system. A “swift” war fought through compromised hands will not be swift at all.
Fourth: too much of Nigeria remains ungoverned.
From the Kamuku forest in the northwest to the Sambisa enclave in the northeast, vast areas lie outside effective state control. These spaces are not just hideouts; they are incubators of terror. You can bomb a camp, but you cannot bomb a vacuum. Unless the state fills those spaces with schools, clinics, courts, and police posts, the cycle of occupation and reoccupation will continue.
Fifth: unilateral U.S. action would be a diplomatic and moral disaster.
A strike without clear legal mandate and Nigeria’s consent would fracture relations, feed extremist propaganda, and strengthen the very forces it seeks to destroy. It would turn a counterterrorism mission into a sovereignty crisis.
What Real Help Should Look Like
If the United States truly cares about protecting Christians and other innocent Nigerians, the path forward must be cooperative, not coercive — practical, limited, and accountable.
1. Operate in partnership, not as occupiers.
Share intelligence and logistics with Nigerian oversight, under strict rules of engagement and civilian protection.
2. Cut the supply lines and choke the money.
Target illicit arms flows, ransom networks, and laundering routes that fund terrorists.
3. Build police, courts, and rule-of-law capacity.
Train prosecutors, improve pay and discipline for police, and end impunity through transparent trials.
4. Invest in community protection and reconciliation.
Support early-warning systems, local policing, and farmer–herder mediation.
5. Scale humanitarian and livelihood support.
Rebuild schools, hospitals, and jobs to dry up recruitment pools for armed groups.
6. Use multilateral pressure and targeted sanctions.
Work through ECOWAS, the AU, and the UN to isolate those profiting from chaos and corruption.
Final Thought
Rhetoric about “fast, swift and vicious” operations may excite television audiences, but it will not solve Nigeria’s deeply rooted crises. If the goal is genuine peace, the strategy must be patient, transparent, and political. Military force can be a tool — it cannot be a cure.
Any intervention that ignores these truths risks not liberation but occupation — and neither Nigerians nor Americans should want that.
POLICY CHECKLIST: What Real Help Should Look Like
1. Plug the leaks.
Track every weapon and contract; punish diversions. Corruption kills as surely as bullets.
2. Govern the ungoverned.
Turn empty spaces into serviced spaces — police, clinics, courts, roads, and schools.
3. Strengthen local justice.
Train and pay security officers; empower prosecutors; end impunity for abuse.
4. Cut the lifelines of terror.
Disrupt arms trafficking, illicit gold, ransom flows, and laundering networks.
5. Partner with discipline.
Any foreign aid or joint force must operate under Nigerian oversight, clear goals, and strict civilian-protection rules.
BABAFEMI OJUDU IS A JOURNALIST, FORMER SENATOR, AND FORMER SPECIAL ADVISER TO NIGERIA’S PRESIDENT ON POLITICAL MATTERS. HE WRITES THE LENS, A NEWSLETTER ON GOVERNANCE, LEADERSHIP, AND CIVIC RENEWAL.
