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Kokori: Militant Press Helped NUPENG And Civil Society Against Military Over June 12; But I Am Heartbroken

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CHIEF FRANK KOKORI CONTRIBUTED AN INTERVIEW TO THE 2022 BOOK BY VETERAN POLITICAL CORRESPONDENTS (NAPOC), “NIGERIA’S ABORTED 3RD REPUBLIC AND THE JUNE 12 DEBACLE: REPORTERS’ ACCOUNT.” HE GRANTED THE INTERVIEW TO FELIX OBOAGWINA

Felix Oboagwina, who covered the Third Republic’s transitional politics for some leading newspapers, engaged the legendary Chief Frank Kokori in an interview especially dedicated to the NAPOC book project. In it, the NUPENG former General Secretary retraces the Odyssey of the political struggle that the oil workers (his National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers, NUPENG, and the corresponding Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria, PENGASSAN) embarked upon against the military over Chief M.K.O. Abiola’s invalidated June 12, 1993 presidential mandate. As he has never before done, Kokori reveals the bleeding scars that the struggle inflicted on his union, his family and himself. More than that, the Urhobo man from Delta State, former Member of the Constitution Drafting Committee and former National Financial Secretary of SDP lays bare his unspoken heartaches.

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WHAT WOULD YOU SAY SERVED AS THE SPRIGNBOARD FOR NUPENG LEADING THE STRUGGLE AGAINST THE ANNULMENT OF JUNE 12?

From 1985, General Ibrahim Babangida had taken the country on an endless transition programme up to 1990; because of this, he earned himself the name Maradona. He went on this inexplicable political manoeuvring. Under him, the military took Nigerians for granted and the people were being played around like footballs. A nation of 150 million people did not ask real questions. We watched him until he got to a in the well-organised June 12 election of 1993 that employed the Option-A4 system. When General Ibrahim Babangida now started playing his tricks again by annulling the election, Nigerians amazingly did not troop out to fight for their right. That was when the civil society led by Labour actually decided to challenge the government. Unfortunately, Nigeria at that time did not have a reservoir of ex-freedom fighters who were armed, like the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa and other similar groups in Southern African countries that gained their Independence through bloody struggles. That was why it was so easy for the military to do what they did for so many years, beginning from 1966.

Some of us Labour leaders had enjoyed the opportunity to be trained in struggles and activism; and we had great visions for our country right from when we were young. Fortunately, some of us found ourselves in certain positions of power in the Labour movement. That was what we used to challenge the military. The nearest thing to an armed struggle was the Labour unions. The civil society was active. The Press too was active. Civil society was relevant through placard-carrying activists in civilised climes like Western Europe and the American countries. However, in ruthless Third World countries with ruthless military dictators, placard carrying means nothing. They prefer to wipe you out. A demonstration over June 12 by Nigerians at that time was crushed by the military.

Ironically, we had this machine called NUPENG. NUPENG became the arrowhead of that struggle, backed by the militant Press, the civil society with powerful activists, and NADECO people. However, the arrowhead was supposed to be the entire Nigerian Labour movement.

INITIALLY THE PROTEST, STRIKES AND STRUGGLE WERE BEING DRIVEN BY THE NIGERIA LABOUR CONGRESS (NLC), BUT SUDDENLY NUPENG OVERSHADOWED EVERYBODY. HOW DID THAT COME ABOUT?

Actually, NUPENG was spearheading that group in NLC because we were all members of the NLC National Executive Council and the National Working Committee. I personally was a member, with my NUPENG President, Comrade Kodjo Agamene. At a stage, we were able to factionalise the NLC by 50-50. We then took a joint action to fight the government. The government too was able to manipulate the NLC under its President, Comrade Paschal Bafyau. They were manoeuvred to Abuja for some meetings. I refused to attend because I knew the intentions of the government, which had already been sending emissaries to me. Without being immodest, Frank Kokori became the spirit of that struggle. This was because I was in NUPENG and I was the leader of NUPENG. NUPENG was my life. I knew so much about freedom struggles all over the world and I got real training in freedom fighting from Moscow, Germany, South Africa and other places.

HOW DID YOU DRIVE THE NUPENG STRUCTURE?

NUPENG was really powerful. We just had a Kitchen Cabinet of four people –myself, my Deputy Secretary Joseph Akinlaja, my other Deputy Secretary Elijah Okougbo and the President Kodjo Agamene. We decided that there must be a resistance to what the military did. Since the NLC let us down, we had to walk out of a meeting with the NLC and we addressed a World Press Conference at Michael Imoudu Hall in the premises of NLC at Yaba, Lagos. There we declared that if the NLC refused to fight that battle, NUPENG would undertake it alone. However, there is no way you would enter into a storm without being drenched. Some of us ended up being terribly drenched; and I found myself in one of the worst prisons in the world at Bama, Borno State.

WHAT CHARATERISTICS AND STRUCTURES WOULD YOU SAY PREPARED AND EQUIPPED NUPENG AND KOKORI (AS A PERSON) FOR THAT STRUGGLE?

God placed some of us in those positions we found ourselves. Some of us had always abhorred military regimes, injustice and tyranny. We were brought up in the philosophy that the greatest service to humanity and God is to fight tyranny and injustice anywhere they showed up. Additionally, I had disciples who readily bought into my philosophy; and these were the NUPENG Kitchen Cabinet I just mentioned. We were leading a mass of oil workers across the country, organised across NUPENG’s four zones nationwide (Lagos Zone having the National Headquarters and covering Ibadan Sub-Zonal Office), Warri Zone, Port Harcourt Zone (covering Eket Sub-Zonal Office) and Kaduna Zone covering the North). We sensitized all these people; and we travelled to hold zonal meetings and branches’ meetings across the country. As their General Secretary for 16 years, by then, I made it clear to them trade unions in Third World countries usually fought for “economism” of increase in salaries and allowances. And I told them that we had fought and won such battles for them in the past decades to get them good conditions of service. However, this time around, what we were trying to do for our country was a patriotic battle, which would not bring them 1 kobo; but that this struggle was a sacrifice we must make for our country.

WHAT WAS THE MEMBERSHIP STRENGTH OF THE UNION AT THIS TIME?

Much of the oil industry had been unionised. Those days, industry casual workers were very few. Shell at that had about 5,000 NUPENG members; NNPC had about 10,000. Throughout the country, we had over 30,000 members. Hence, it was easy to mobilise them. This was essential service, the oil industry was the live wire of the economy of the country. Instead of engaging in armed struggle where blood would be spilt, we decided to use what we had. And it was very successful.

I GUESS IT WAS NOT A TEA PARTY; HOW DID THE STRUGGLE GO?

We suffered deprivation because we were running this thing from underground. I personally was coordinating things from the underground for 10 weeks. I had a Motorola cellular phone that I used anywhere to talk to people all over the world –including the Press and everyone. And NUPENG’s membership listened and obeyed instructions. If you recollect at that time, the winner of the June 12 election Abiola was being taken to court. Every appointed court session, I followed him up.

The entire country was paralysed by the struggle of the Nigerian people, the civil society, the Afenifere people, the NADECO people and the Press. Your media people demonstrated much commitment in those days. They were solid employees and established staff of their companies. Most of them had principles and honour. The Press displayed integrity.

HOW WERE YOU FINALLY CAPTURED AFTER 10 WEEKS HIDING AND COORDINATING NUPENG’S STRUGGLE FROM UNDERGROUND?

Most of these things have been narrated in my book on the struggle. I was captured by the subterfuge of people. I was deceived actually. It was around 1am. I was deceived that Papa Anthony Enahoro was in trouble. This was the grand patron of the struggle. He was said to be in trouble and he wanted to hand over documents to me, Kokori, as the spirit of that struggle. I had to come out that midnight. Fortunately, being somebody who is trained in freedom fighting and struggles, I was led by God to invite one of the security guards of the small guesthouse where I had been hiding to come out with me late that night. I told him to walk some paces behind me. That was what saved my life. If I was kidnapped without any witness, I should just have been liquidated.

My wife was in the hideout with me that night. I was always with my wife because I was conscious of how governments, dictators, messed up freedom fighters. They could have said Kokori was found with prostitutes sleeping and enjoying himself. My wife was always with me in all my hideouts underground. The security chap rushed back and woke my wife to tell her of my abduction. Immediately, she informed the Press. The whole media was alerted throughout the country and all over the world that, “Finally,” Kokori had been captured. I went in for four years.

DID YOU FEEL ANY INKLING OF BETRAYAL BY ANYBODY AROUND YOU THROUGHOUT THE STRUGGLE?

There were a lot of betrayals. Actually, the union even at the end betrayed. The union abandoned my family. In the trade unions, we talk about solidarity. Solidarity means if anyone is in trouble, the others will come and defend him. The four years I spent in Bama Prisons, my family was not even paid my salaries.

AAH… BUT YOU KNOW A SOLE ADMINISTRATOR CAME ON BOARD FROM THE GOVERNMENT AND TOOK OVER THE UNION?

Yes, but there were people, the whole other staff returned to work. They should have been able to galvanise the workers to use some of their funds by internal collection for re-routing to my family. If I were the one, I would have done that for them.

Then the NLC was a disgrace. They actually betrayed the struggle. If they had joined at the appropriate time, the military would have been wiped out from political activity in Nigeria. Abacha shouldn’t have even lasted. There were Intelligence reports I had and there were several things that happened. There is no use of me revealing them. At the highest level of the Nigerian military, they were clashing. I knew the plans the patriotic military had for this country, until some of them were betrayed and I was betrayed. Had I not been captured when I was, within a month, Abacha’s regime would have been over. The topmost of the military were getting in touch with me.

WHAT HAS BEEN THE COST OF THE STRUGGLE TO YOU AS A PERSON AND TO NUPENG?

The struggle cost me so much. NUPENG gained much from the struggle. It brought NUPENG recognition by the whole country and by the world at large. That elevated it to the pride of place that NUPENG occupies today as a very respectable trade union. However, we paid the price: Especially my President Agamene, my two deputies Akinlaja and Okougbo, and I. Other workers too paid serious prices. Some of them lost their jobs. Despite all, NUPENG today has become a powerful union. NUPENG today is a powerful union in the country. It has become a union the government and the people respect highly. People now say that unlike several unions, “When NUPENG coughs, the government will shiver.”

WHAT IS THE COST TO YOUR FAMILY?

The fight inflicted a lot upon my family. Today all my children are abroad. If not for the June 12 struggle, my children would have been doing well in this country. They would have been very close to me. But because of it, my children were smuggled out of the country by the international community, by the world oil federation, by the world labour federation. Most of them simply decided to stay abroad thereafter. Four of them now reside in America and other countries; and only one remains in Nigeria. I should have loved my children to be with me in the country. Unfortunately, they now see Nigeria as not a good country because of the hardship here; and they just come and go back abroad. It tore my family apart.

My wife Esther became a victim of it. She passed through a traumatic time during the experience. She died last year after 18 years of suffering from a terrible ailment, stroke. Virtually vegetative, she was still breathing and remained at home for 18 good years. She was a woman of steel; and she fought the battle with me. God rest her soul. These are some of the sacrifices we made.

When you struggle, it is not always that you get the benefit of your struggle. The South African example is typical. Nelson Mandela suffered, yes, and at the end, he enjoyed. People like Mandela are very rare. Others like Epainette Mbeki (whose son later became President), Steve Biko, Che Guevara, they never enjoyed anything; they suffered and died unsung. All over the world, it is like that.

GIVEN ANOTHER CHANCE WOULD YOU DO ANYTHING DIFFERENTLY? DO YOU NURSE ANY REGRETS?

I am a very happy man. I have a lot of goodwill all over the country. I am a very contented man. And I don’t believe in material returns. Even in my old age today, people still believe in me and they revere me. That is enough for me. Even though I could not be compensated by my country, but the country, the people and the masses still give me that respect even today for the sacrifice I made. And it is all thanks to my comrades and NUPENG. The name I have is sufficient for me, and I am appreciated wherever I am introduced. That I enjoy anywhere I happen to be. Therefore, I am happy. You have to make sacrifices for your country. I did it for my country, and my country realised what I did.

However, I was born in a wrong country; and I have not been given opportunity to right the wrongs in my country. If I had been born in a civilised world, I should have become the President of my country at the age of about 55; and I should have been able to bring a lot of change to my country. This is because I was committed and visionary.

Today, I am disillusioned about what is happening in my country. I am a patriotic, world-class human being. Right from when I was young, I wanted to correct a lot of things in my country. Unfortunately, I was born in a wrong country; I was born out of my age. However, I thank God for what He has been doing for me and for all I am enjoying today.

I am now in my twilight years, a man close to 80, what does he look for again from God. I cannot start anything afresh. Today, I live on my past glory. I can no longer go into the trenches to fight, at 78, 79. No.

LOOKING AT THE COUNTRY TODAY, HOW DO YOU FEEL?

I am very, very disillusioned with my country today. It is a betrayal of the people. Things are getting worse for the people. I pity my country.

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